Women’s International Strike: For an anti-patriarchal and anti-capitalist March 8th

In more than 40 countries, thousands of women and organizations are preparing the world’s first women’s strike for March 8th, the International Women’s Day, which represents a great opportunity to strengthen and unify the struggles to conquer women’s rights.

A few weeks ago, in the US, thousands of women took to the streets to face the misogynist, racist and capitalist politics that embodies the new government of Donald Trump. This movement joins with the great demonstrations that took place in the world in recent years:  #NotOneLess of Argentina against femicides; demonstrations in Turkey against a bill that reduced penalties on violence against women. Turkish women managed to have the project withdrawn. There were demonstrations in Mexico demanding #WeWantUsAlive. There were demonstrations in Brazil and India against rape. In Chile, women were claiming for the right to legal abortion. The women’s strike in France for equal work, equal pay; The protests of women in Russia; the demonstrations in the Spanish State against violence on women, as in Italy and Poland to maintain the right to legal abortion.

That is why, today, in the face of the capitalist crisis that strikes us globally with adjustment measures and increasing misery, the women’s movement has a very important challenge that rests on the strength of all those women on the streets. In this first International Women’s Strike, it is not only clear that we women fight patriarchal oppression that condemns us to domestic work and disciplines us resorting to violence. We women are mostly workers and as such, overexploited due to our oppressed condition, which makes women the largest number among migrants, the most flexibilized and lowest paid among workers. Therefore, this strike must also serve to confront all the capitalist governments of the world, lest we be the ones to pay the crisis.

This March 8th, it can not be Angela Merkel’s day, Hillary Clinton’s, Dilma Rousseff’s or Michelle Bachelet’s. All of them are businesswomen who govern or governed against the majority of women. Instead, we as workers fight for a March 8th that continues the historic struggle of the textile workers who marched in New York in 1908. They fought for their rights both as women and workers.  Moreover, in 1917, Russian women workers went on strike, thus becoming part of the launching of the historical Russian Revolution. March 8th International Women’s Strike will denounce the fundamental connivance of the Vatican against the rights of women, being against the right to legal abortion, sexual education without dogmas or sexual diversity. At the same time, the Vatican does not hesitate in covering up and protect paedophile priests and bishops.

We also want to make a massive strike and demonstration around the world in support of the Syrian refugees, people martyrized by the genocide Bashar Al Assad; in support of all the women who flee from imperialist wars and from hunger. We want March 8th to become the claim of the migrant workers who do the worst-qualified jobs; of all the workers who fight for wage raises, against labour discrimination and harassment at work. We want March 8th for all those who struggle to end trafficking networks for sexual exploitation, against femicides and for the right to legal abortion.

That is why, from the International Workers Unity- Fourth International, (IWU-FI) we call to organize ourselves independently of patron governments, to promote a great day of anti-patriarchal and anti-capitalist struggle.

Women are not going to pay the crisis. Governments are responsible.

Down with the discriminatory, misogynist and repressive laws impulse by Trump.

  • Stop adjustment plans around the world.
  • Equal pay for equal job.
  • Separation of the church from the state.
  • Stop femicides, violence against women and trafficking networks. Not one less!  We want us alive!
  • Legal, secure and free of charge abortion!
  • Long live Women’s International Day! Long live our struggles all over the world!

International Workers Unity – Fourth International (IWU-FI)

February 19th, 2017

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Paro mundial de las mujeres: Por un 8 de marzo antipatriarcal y anticapitalista

En más de 40 países, miles de mujeres y organizaciones estamos preparando el primer paro mundial de mujeres para el próximo 8 de marzo, día internacional de las mujeres trabajadoras, lo que se presenta como una gran oportunidad para fortalecer y unificar las luchas para conquistar nuestros derechos.

Hace pocas semanas, en USA, miles de mujeres salieron a las calles a enfrentar la política misógina, racista y capitalista que encarna el nuevo gobierno de Donald Trump. Ese movimiento empalma con las grandes movilizaciones que se vienen dando en el mundo en los últimos años. Desde el #NiUnaMenos de Argentina contra los femicidios, hasta las marchas de Turquía contra un  proyecto de ley que reducía las penas a la violencia sobre las mujeres, que consiguieron hacer retirar el proyecto, pasando por la movilización en México exigiendo #VivasNosQueremos, las marchas en Brasil e India contra las violaciones, los reclamos en Chile por el derecho al aborto, el paro de mujeres en Francia por igual trabajo, igual salario; las protestas de mujeres en Rusia; las movilizaciones en el Estado Español contra las violencias machistas o en Italia y Polonia por mantener el derecho al aborto legal.

Por eso, hoy frente a la crisis capitalista que nos golpea mundialmente con planes de ajuste y miseria, el movimiento de mujeres tiene un desafío muy importante que se apoya en la fuerza de todas esas mujeres en las calles. En el paro mundial de mujeres, no solo tiene que quedar claro que luchamos contra la opresión patriarcal que nos condena al trabajo doméstico y nos disciplina con las múltiples violencias. Sino que, en nuestra mayoría, las mujeres también somos trabajadoras y superexplotadas por esa condición de oprimidas, lo que nos lleva a ser la mayoría de las personas migrantes en el mundo, las más precarizadas y peores pagas. Por lo tanto, este paro también tiene que servir para enfrentar a todos los gobiernos capitalistas del mundo, para que no seamos nosotras las que paguemos la crisis.

Este 8 de marzo, no puede ser el día de las Ángela Merkel, las Hillary Clinton, las Dilma Rousseff o las Michelle Bachelet. Todas ellas son empresarias que gobiernan o gobernaron contra la mayoría de las mujeres. En cambio, las trabajadoras peleamos por un 8 de marzo que reivindique la histórica lucha de las obreras textiles que en 1908 marcharon en New York reclamando sus derechos como mujeres y trabajadoras y, también, de las trabajadoras rusas que, en 1917, llamaron a la huelga, dando el puntapié inicial a la histórica Revolución Rusa. Que denuncie la complicidad fundamental del Vaticano contra los derechos de las mujeres, como el derecho al aborto, a la educación sexual sin dogmas, a la diversidad sexual, mientras cobija y protege horrendas prácticas de abuso sexual infantil.

También queremos hacer un gran paro y movilización en todo el mundo en apoyo a las refugiadas del pueblo sirio martirizado por el genocida Bashar Al Asad y de todas las mujeres que huyen del hambre y la guerra imperialista. Queremos que sea el 8 de marzo de las trabajadoras migrantes que hacen el trabajo peor calificado y de todas las trabajadoras que salen a pelear por aumento de salarios, contra la discriminación laboral y el acoso en el trabajo.  Por todas las que luchan por terminar con las redes de trata para la explotación sexual, contra los femicidios y por el derecho al aborto legal.

Por eso, desde la Unidad Internacional de las y los Trabajadores – Cuarta Internacional, llamamos a organizarnos de manera independiente de los gobiernos patronales, para impulsar una gran jornada de lucha antipatriarcal y anticapitalista.

Las mujeres no vamos a pagar la crisis. Los gobiernos son responsables.

Abajo las leyes discriminatorias, misóginas y represivas impulsadas por Trump.

Basta de planes de ajuste en todo el mundo. Igual trabajo, igual salario Separación de la iglesia y el estado Basta de femicidios, violencia y redes de trata

¡Ni Una menos, vivas nos queremos!

¡Aborto legal, seguro y gratuito!

¡Viva el día internacional de las mujeres trabajadoras! ¡Vivan nuestras luchas en todo el mundo!

Unidad Internacional de las y los Trabajadores – Cuarta Internacional UIT-CI)

19 de febrero del 2017

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Heroic Aleppo falls into the hands of genocidal al-Assad

But the struggle in Syria does not end

By Miguel Lamas

Español

After years of heroic resistance, enduring the criminal bombings of the genocidal al-Assad and Putin, the glorious Aleppo falls. At the close of this edition, an agreement was announced that would allow the evacuation of rebel fighters from the last pockets of resistance. With no supplies or ammunition there was no alternative. Under the agreement, they could leave with their light weapons to the province of Idlib under rebel control, after the civilian population and the infirm were withdrawn. Of course, we cannot be sure that al-Assad and Putin will respect the agreement; particularly with the growth of reported cases about the atrocities and killings being carried out by the pro-Assad Iraqi and Lebanese “militias” executing civilians allegedly collaborating with the rebels.

The complicity of the United States, Venezuela and Cuba

Assad’s troops were able to take the eastern part of (rebel) Aleppo with the support of thousands of Iranians, Lebanese of Hezbollah and Iraqi Shiites (both armed by Iran), and the criminal bombings of Russian aviation.

To this end they also had the hypocritical complicity of the United States and the European Union, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, supposed “defenders” of the rebels, but who blocked the entry of arms to the Aleppo fighters and gave the green light to the Russians bombings.

Although to many fighters it may seem incredible, we must also denounce the direct complicity of the pseudo-leftist governments of Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua which voted in the UN (9 December 2016) with China and Russia, against a resolution against condemning the terrible abuses of al-Assad in Syria. Sadly, the reformist world left betrayed the cause for the freedom of the Syrian people and accompanied the genocidal al-Assad and Putin.

That is why the heroism of the Aleppo fighters will remain in the history of rebellion. Like the people who supported them. It should be remembered that since July in the rebel part lived about 300,000 people under a systematic criminal bombing.

The weeks leading up to the fall of Aleppo

The days leading up to this difficult outcome were well narrated in a note published by Lucha Internacionalista (Internationalist Struggle, Spanish State section of the IWU-FI) which states:

“After weeks of intense bombing and months of a total siege that prevents the entry of food and medical equipment, the offensive of the regime of Bashar al-Assad and his allies (notably Putin’s Russia and the Iran of Rouhani) focuses in dividing the rebellious neighbourhoods of the east of the city.

“On 26 November, began the internal displacement of the civilian population that is fleeing horrified from the land advance of troops loyal to the regime seeking refuge in other liberated areas, where the situation is also desperate. There are families who have chosen to make their daughters flee, aware that since the 1980s the Syrian security forces have systematically used rape of women and girls as a weapon of war against the opposition. In the face of the complicity of the United States and the European powers, and the regional powers, rebel Aleppo is bleeding. Activists who for six years have been reporting on the ground say they can no longer make victim assessments because people are tired of counting the dead. Hospitals and schools are out of order. The images that arrive show that Russian aviation uses Aleppo as a field of experimentation of new weaponry.”

“What I understand from the silence of the international community is that what most horrifies them is the freedom for which the people of Syria have fought so hard and are massacred. They are trying to give a lesson to the rest of oppressed peoples around the world so they do not claim freedom as well”, says Abdulkhafi Alhamdo, a teacher of Aleppo.

Physicians for Human Rights pointed out that in the last three years, in Aleppo, there were 45 attacks on health centres, which forced the closure of two out of three hospitals. About 95 percent of doctors also fled, were arrested or killed, worsening the humanitarian crisis in the area.

The fight in Syria is not over

The fight is not over, although al-Assad and Putin have taken rebel Aleppo. They have done so at a terrible cost, and are already responsible for one of the great genocides by which, sooner or later, the dictatorship will have to pay for their crimes.

The defeat of Aleppo is a blow to the Syrian revolution initiated in March 2011. The process is at a crossroads.[1] But the popular rebellion against the dictatorship has not ended, as the dictator himself warns in a statement. It continues in other parts of Syria. Major sectors of the country remain in the hands of the rebels who resist the dictator, such as the province of Idlib and others. As part of international solidarity, we need to repudiate both the systematic bombing of the civilian population and the massacres and crimes of al-Assad’s troops and their allies over the people of Aleppo.

We reiterate the slogans of IWL-FI: Down with al-Assad. Out Russia and its bombing. Not to any intervention by the United States and the European Union. No to ISIS. That governments break relations with the government of al-Assad. For all this, we must redouble our international solidarity with the Syrian rebel people, against the massacres on civilians and against the genocide of the dictatorship.

[1]  See “The Syrian revolution at a Crossroads”, International Correspondence No.39.

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Originally published  on 13 December 2016,  El Socialista No.337, newspaper of Izquierda Socialista, International Workers Unity- (IWU-FI)

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On the death of Fidel Castro

By Juan Carlos Giordano

Español| Français|Català|Türk

muerte-fidel-castro-240x148

The announcement of the death of Fidel Castro has had a great global impact. The Cuban people are in mourning. Millions in the world mourn the leader who directly led, along with Che, the Cuban revolution of 1959 who was an example for the revolutionaries and fighters of the world. We accompany the grief of the Cuban people and the fighters of the world left, but as socialists we have had serious discrepancies with the positions of Fidel Castro and the leadership of the Cuban CP.

We repudiate all the expressions by the reactionaries of the world, especially the gusanos of Miami witchery and Donald Trump, who came to celebrate his death.

The Fidel with whom all the anti-imperialist and socialist fighters identify themselves is the one who with Che and Camilo Cienfuegos headed the triumph of the people that crushed the dictatorship of Batista in January of 1959. The Fidel of the agrarian reform, the one who broke with Yankee imperialism and expropriated the sugar and oil multinationals and the Cuban bourgeoisie and landowners. These were measures that enabled the Cuban people to enjoy broad achievements in health and education. The Fidel fighting the Yankee invasion in Playa Girón and the Fidel who in the second declaration of Havana of February of 1962 declared for socialism in Cuba and said that “the duty of every revolutionary is to make the revolution”.

But unfortunately, there was another facet of Fidel Castro that we cannot fail to point out at the moment of his death. We know this can bother thousands of fighters who still believe in him.

Related article: Adjustment Cuban Style

The revolutionary course we have described was truncated by the agreement of Fidel Castro with the bureaucracy of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Since the mid-1960s Fidel had accepted the Stalinist policy of “peaceful coexistence” with imperialism and of abandoning Che’s policy of extending the socialist revolution to America and to the world. Since then, Fidel Castro began to play against the advance of all revolutions. A single-party bureaucratic regime that still exists was consolidated.

When the people of Czechoslovakia in 1968 rose against the dictatorship of Stalinism, Fidel supported the invasion of the Russian tanks that drowned in blood the anti-bureaucratic revolution. In Nicaragua, when the dictator Somoza was defeated in 1979, Fidel supported that the Sandinistas form a government with the anti-Somoza bourgeoisie and not to advance in measures of expropriation, advising “not to make of Nicaragua another Cuba”. More recently, in Venezuela, Fidel supported Chavez and Maduro’s false “socialism of the 21st Century”, making believe that the country was “building socialism” when the opposite is being done. Chavismo kept the capitalist structure, created joint ventures in oil in agreement with the multinationals, like Chevron, Total or Repsol, fomented a Bolivarian bourgeoisie, criminalising protest and starving the Venezuelan people. Also in these years Fidel and the Cuban leadership endorsed the false “progressive governments” of Lula and Dilma in Brazil, Evo Morales and the Kirchners who applied adjustments against their peoples. And to the interior of Cuba, the achievements of the revolution were being eliminated over the years.

Since the end of the last century, he had been promoting the policy of relying on foreign capital, opening up the Cuban economy to Canadian and European multinationals, restoring capitalism.

Cuba, 1959 Photo: Burt Glinn

We accompany the pain of the Cuban people at this time. And we continue to call on them to fight back to retake the banners of the revolution of 1959 and Che’s message, “socialist revolution or caricature of revolution”, and supporting their right to independent organization — trade union, student and political — against the regime of single party.

Cuba needs a new socialist revolution with democracy for the working people, which will once again be the beacon for the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist fighters of Latin America and the world.

26 November 2016

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Juan Carlos Giordano is a leader of Izquierda Socialista [Socialist Left] and national deputy of the FIT.

 

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Fidel Castro’nun ölümü üzerine

Fidel Castro’nun ölümünün ardından İşçilerin Uluslararası Birliği – Dördüncü Enternasyonal (UIT-CI) üyesi, Arjantin kardeş partimiz Sosyalist Sol, parti yöneticisi ve milletvekili Juan Carlos Giordano imzalı şu bildiriyi yayınladı.

Bağlantı

Fidel Castro’nun öldüğünün duyurulması, dünyada geniş yankı uyandırdı. Küba halkı yasta. Dünyanın her köşesinde milyonlarca insan, Che Guevara ile birlikte, bütün dünya devrimcileri ve mücadele insanları için bir örnek olan 1959 Küba Devrimi’ni doğrudan yöneten önderin yasını tutuyorlar. Her ne kadar, sosyalistler olarak, Fidel Castro’nun ve Küba Komünist Partisi önderliğinin politik hattıyla ciddi görüş ayrılıklarımız bulunsa da, Küba halkının ve dünya solunun mücadele insanlarının kederini paylaşıyoruz.

Miami “gusanera”sı (kurtçukları) ve Donald Trump gibi onun ölümünü kutlayanlar başta olmak üzere, dünyanın her köşesinden gericilerin tüm söylemlerini reddediyoruz.

Tüm antiemperyalist ve sosyalist mücadele insanları kendilerini, Ocak 1959’da Che ve Camilo Cienfuegos ile birlikte Batista diktatörlüğünü deviren Küba halkının bu zaferine önderlik eden Fidel Castro ile Amerikan emperyalizminden kopan, şeker ve petrol çokuluslu şirketleri ile burjuvaziyi ve Kübalı büyük toprak sahiplerini mülksüzleştiren tarım reformunun mimarı Fidel ile (bu tedbirler Küba halkının sağlık ve eğitim haklarını kazanmasını sağladı), Girón Plajı’nda Amerikan istilasına karşı koyan, Şubat 1962 Havana İkinci Deklarasyonu’nda Küba’da sosyalizmi ilan eden ve “devrim yapmanın her devrimcinin görevi” olduğunu söyleyen Fidel ile özdeşleştirmektedir.

Ancak ne yazık ki, Fidel Castro’nun bir başka yüzü var ki söylemeden geçemeyiz. Bunun, ona inanmayı sürdüren binlerce mücadele insanını üzebileceğini biliyoruz.

Betimlediğimiz devrimci seyir, Fidel Castro’nun Sovyetler Birliği Komünist Parti bürokrasisi ile vardığı anlaşmayla sona erdi. 60’lı yılların ortalarından itibaren Fidel, Stalin’in emperyalizm ile “barışçıl şekilde bir arada yaşama” politikasını kabul etti ve Che’nin sosyalist devrimi Amerika’ya ve bütün dünyaya yayma politikasını terk etti. Bu noktadan sonra Fidel Castro, tüm devrimlerin ilerlemesine karşı çalışmaya başladı ve hâlâ varlığını sürdüren tek partiye dayalı bürokratik rejimi güçlendirdi.

1968’de Çekoslovakya halkı Stalinist diktatörlüğe başkaldırdığında Fidel, bu bürokrasi karşıtı devrimi bir kan banyosunda boğan Rus tanklarının istilasına destek verdi. Fidel, 1979’da Nikaragua’da diktatör Somoza devrildiğinde, “Nikaragua’yı yeni bir Küba yapmamayı” tavsiye ederek Sandinistlerin Somoza karşıtı burjuvalarla bir hükümet kurmalarını ve mülksüzleştirme tedbirlerinde daha ileriye gitmemelerini destekledi. Yakın geçmişte Venezuela’da Fidel, bu ülkenin “sosyalizmi inşa” etmekte olduğunu iddia ederek –oysa tam tersi yapılıyor- Chavez ve Maduro’nun sahte “21. yüzyıl sosyalizmi”ne destek verdi.
Chavezcilik kapitalist yapıyı korudu; Chevron, Total ve Repsol gibi çokuluslu şirketlerle anlaşarak, bir boliburjuvazi yaratıp onu kayırarak, tüm protestoları kriminalize ederek ve Venezuela halkını açlığa terk ederek petrol sektöründe karma şirketler oluşturdu. Aynı zamanda bu yıllar boyunca Fidel ve Küba önderliği, halklarının aleyhine düzenlemeler gerçekleştiren Brezilya’da Lula ve Dilma’nın, Bolivya’da Evo Morales’in Arjantin’de Kirchnerlerin sahte “ilerici hükümetlerini” destekledi. Ve Küba’da devrimin kazanımları yıllar geçtikçe, geçtiğimiz yüzyılın sonunda tasfiye edildi. Küba ekonomisinin yabancı sermayeye, Kanada ve Avrupa çokuluslu şirketlerine emanet etme politikası teşvik edildi, kapitalizm restore edildi.

Küba halkının acısını paylaşıyoruz ve 1959 Devrimi’nin bayrağını ve Che’nin “sosyalist devrim ya da devrim karikatürü” söylemini yeniden sahiplenmek için, tek parti rejimine karşı sendikalarda, öğrenci örgütlerinde ve siyasi partilerde bağımsız olarak örgütlenme hakkı için mücadeleye çağırıyoruz.

Latin Amerika’nın ve bütün dünyanın antikapitalizm ve antiemperyalizm savaşçıları için yeniden bir deniz feneri olması için Küba’nın, emekçi halk için demokrasiyle birlikte yeni bir sosyalist devrime ihtiyacı var.

26 Kasım 2016

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Juan Carlos Giordano Sosyalist Sol (Arjantin) yöneticisi, Solun ve İşçilerin Cephesi milletvekili

 

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Davant la mort de Fidel Castro

Esquerra Socialista de Argentina va emetre el següent comunicat sobre la mort de Fidel Castro signada pel seu dirigent i diputat nacional Joan Carles Giordano.

Enllaç

L’anunci de la mort de Fidel Castro ha generat un gran impacte mundial. El poble cubà està de dol. Milions en el món ploren al líder que va conduir en forma directa, al costat del Che, la revolució cubana de 1959 que va ser un exemple per als revolucionaris i lluitadors del món. Acompanyem el tot i el poble cubà i dels lluitadors de l’esquerra mundial, encara que com a socialistes hem tingut serioses discrepàncies amb les postures de Fidel Castro i de la conducció del PC cubà.

Repudiem totes les expressions dels reaccionaris del món, especialment de la gusanería de Miami i de Donald Trump, que van sortir a celebrar la seva mort.

El Fidel amb el qual tots els lluitadors antiimperialistes i socialistes s’identifiquen és el que al costat del Che i Camilo Cienfuegos va encapçalar el triomf del poble que va aixafar a la dictadura de Batista al gener de 1959. A l’Fidel de la reforma agrària, que va trencar amb l’imperialisme ianqui i va expropiar a les multinacionals del sucre i el petroli ia la burgesia i als terratinents cubans. Mesures que van possibilitar que el poble cubà passés a gaudir d’àmplies conquestes en salut i educació. A l’Fidel combatent la invasió ianqui a Platja Girón i al que en la segona declaració de l’Havana de febrer de 1962, va declarar el socialisme a Cuba i va dir que “el deure de tot revolucionari és fer v la revolució”.

Però lamentablement va existir una altra faceta de Fidel Castro que no podem deixar d’assenyalar al moment de la seva mort. Sabem que això pot incomodar milers de lluitadors que encara segueixen creient en ell.

El curs revolucionari que hem descrit es va truncar per l’acord de Fidel Castro amb la burocràcia del PC de la Unió Soviètica. Des de mitjans dels ’60 Fidel va acceptar la política estalinista de “coexistència pacífica” amb l’imperialisme i d’abandonar la política del Che, d’estendre la revolució socialista a Amèrica i al món. A partir d’aquí, Fidel Castro va passar a jugar en contra de l’avanç de tota revolució. Es va consolidar un règim burocràtic de partit únic que encara perdura.

Quan el poble de Txecoslovàquia en 1968 es va aixecar contra la dictadura de l’estalinisme, Fidel va recolzar la invasió dels tancs russos que van ofegar en sang aquella revolució antiburocràtica. A Nicaragua, quan el 1979 es va derrotar al dictador Somoza, Fidel va recolzar que els sandinistes formaran govern amb els burgesos anti somocistas i no avancessin en mesures d’expropiació, aconsellant “no fer de Nicaragua una altra Cuba”. Més recentment, a Veneçuela, Fidel va donar suport el fals “socialisme del Segle XXI” de Chávez i Maduro, fent creure que aquest país estava “construint el socialisme”, quan s’està fent el contrari. El chavisme va mantenir l’estructura capitalista, va crear les empreses mixtes en petroli pactant amb les multinacionals, com Chevron, Total o Repsol, fomentat una boliburguesía, criminalitzant la protesta i hambreando al poble veneçolà. També en aquests anys Fidel i la conducció cubana van avalar els falsos “governs progressistes” de Lula i Dilma a Brasil, Evo Morales i els Kirchner que van aplicar ajustos contra els seus pobles. I a l’interior de Cuba, es van anar liquidant amb el pas dels anys les conquestes de la revolució.

Des de fins del segle passat es va anar impulsant la política de confiar en els capitals estrangers, obrint-se l’economia cubana a les multinacionals canadenques i europees, restaurant-se el capitalisme.

Acompanyem el dolor del poble cubà per aquestes hores. I seguim cridant a lluitar per tornar a reprendre les banderes de la revolució del ’59 i el missatge del Che, “revolució socialista o caricatura de revolució”. Donant suport el seu dret a l’organització independent -sindical, estudiantil i política- contra el règim de partit únic.

Cuba necessita una nova revolució socialista amb democràcia per al poble treballador, que torni a ser el far per als lluitadors anticapitalistes i antiimperialistes d’Amèrica Llatina i el món.

26 novembre 2016

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Joan Carles Giordano Dirigent d’Esquerra Socialista i diputat nacional del Front d’Esquerra.

 

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Devant la mort de Fidel Castro

Gauche Socialiste a publié le communiqué suivant sur la mort de Fidel Castro signée par son dirigeant et député national Juan Carlos Giordano.

Lien

L’annonce de la mort de Fidel Castro a généré un énorme impact mondial. Le peuple cubain est en deuil. Des millions de personnes dans le monde pleurent le leader qui a conduit directement, en collaboration avec Che Guevara, la révolution cubaine de 1959 qui a été un exemple pour les révolutionnaires et les lutteurs du monde entier. Nous accompagnons le chagrin du peuple cubain et des lutteurs de la gauche mondiale, bien que comme socialistes nous ayons eu des divergences sérieuses avec les postures de Fidel Castro et de la direction du PC cubain.

Nous répudions toutes les expressions des réactionnaires du monde, spécialement de la « gusanería » de Miami et de Donald Trump qui ont fêté sa mort.

Tous les lutteurs anti-impérialistes et socialistes s’identifient avec le Fidel Castro qui, avec le Che et Camilo Cienfuegos, a dirigé le triomphe du peuple cubain qui a renversé la dictature de Batista en janvier 1959, avec le Fidel de la réforme agraire qui a rompu avec l’impérialisme yankee et qui a exproprié les multinationales du sucre, du pétrole et la bourgeoisie et les propriétaires fonciers cubains (ces mesures ont permis que le peuple cubain ait gagné les droits à la santé et à l’éducation), avec le Fidel qui a combattu l’invasion yankee à la Plage Girón et avec celui qui, dans la deuxième déclaration de La Habana de février 1962, a déclaré le socialisme à Cuba et a dit que “le devoir de tout un révolutionnaire est de faire la révolution”.

Mais malheureusement il y a une autre facette de Fidel Castro que nous ne pouvons manqué de noter au moment de sa mort. Nous savons que cela peut incommoder les milliers de lutteurs qui continuent à croire encore en lui.

Le cours révolutionnaire qui nous avons décrit a été brisé par l’accord de Fidel Castro avec la bureaucratie du PC de l’Union soviétique. Depuis le milieu des années 60, Fidel a accepté la politique stalinienne de “coexistence pacifique” avec l’impérialisme et il a abandonné la politique du Che d’étendre la révolution socialiste en Amérique et au monde entier. À partir de là, Fidel Castro s’est mis à jouer contre la progression de toute révolution et i a consolidé un régime bureaucratique de Parti unique qui dure encore.

En 1968, quand le peuple de la Tchécoslovaquie s’est levé contre la dictature stalinienne, Fidel a soutenu l’invasion des chars russes qui ont étouffé dans un bain de sang cette révolution antibureaucratique. En 1979, au Nicaragua, quand le dictateur Somoza a été renversé, Fidel a appuyé que les sandinistes formaient un gouvernement avec les bourgeois anti-somocistes et n’avançaient pas dans des mesures d’expropriation, en conseillant “ne pas faire du Nicaragua une autre Cuba”. Plus récemment, au Venezuela, Fidel a appuyé le faux “socialisme du XXIe siècle” de Chávez et à Maduro, en faisant croire que ce pays était “en construisant le socialisme”, quand on fait le contraire. Le chavisme a maintenu la structure capitaliste, a créé les entreprises mixtes dans le pétrole en faisant un pacte avec les multinationales, comme Chevron, Total ou Repsol, en favorisant une bolibourgeoisie, en criminalisant la protestation et en affamant le peuple vénézuélien. Aussi dans ces années Fidel, et la direction politique cubaine ont avalisé les faux “gouvernements progressistes” de Lula et de Dilma au Brésil, Evo Morales et les Kirchner qui ont appliqué des ajustements contre ses peuples. Et à l’intérieur de la Cuba, les conquêtes de la révolution ont été liquidées au fil des ans et à la fin du siècle dernier, on a encouragé la politique de confier aux capitaux étrangers l’économie cubaine aux multinationales canadiennes et européennes, en restaurant le capitalisme.

Nous partageons la douleur du peuple cubain en ce moment et nous appelons à lutter pour reprendre les drapeaux de la révolution de 1959 et le message du Che, “révolution socialiste ou une caricature de révolution” et pour son droit à l’organisation indépendante – syndicale, estudiantine et politique – contre le régime de Parti unique.

Cuba a besoin d’une nouvelle révolution socialiste avec démocratie pour le peuple travailleur, qui soit à nouveau le phare pour les lutteurs anticapitalistes et anti-impérialistes de l’Amérique latine et le monde entier.

Le 26 novembre 2016

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Juan Carlos Giordano Dirigeant de Gauche Socialiste d’Argentine et député national du Front de Gauche et des Travailleurs.

 

 

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Ante la muerte de Fidel Castro

Izquierda Socialista de Argentina emitió el siguiente comunicado sobre la muerte de Fidel Castro firmada por su dirigente y diputado nacional Juan Carlos Giordano*

El anuncio de la muerte de Fidel Castro ha generado un gran impacto mundial. El pueblo cubano está de luto. Millones en el mundo lloran al líder que condujo en forma directa, junto al Che, la revolución cubana de 1959 que fue un ejemplo para los revolucionarios y luchadores del mundo. Acompañamos el pesar del pueblo cubano y de los luchadores de la izquierda mundial, aunque como socialistas hemos tenido serias discrepancias con las posturas de Fidel Castro y de la conducción del PC cubano.

Repudiamos todas las expresiones de los reaccionarios del mundo, en especial de la gusanería de Miami y de Donal Trump, que salieron a festejar su muerte.

El Fidel con el cual todos los luchadores antiimperialistas y socialistas se identifican es el que junto al Che y Camilo Cienfuegos encabezó el triunfo del pueblo que aplastó a la dictadura de Batista en enero de 1959. Al Fidel de la reforma agraria, al que rompió con el imperialismo yanqui y expropió a las multinacionales del azúcar y el petróleo y a la burguesía y a los terratenientes cubanos. Medidas que posibilitaron que el pueblo cubano pasara a gozar de amplias conquistas en salud y educación. Al Fidel combatiendo la invasión yanqui en Playa Girón y al que en la segunda declaración de la Habana de febrero de 1962, declaró el socialismo en Cuba y dijo que “el deber de todo revolucionario es hacer v la revolución”.

Pero lamentablemente existió otra faceta de Fidel Castro que no podemos dejar de señalar al momento de su muerte. Sabemos que esto puede incomodar a miles de luchadores que aún siguen creyendo en él. El curso revolucionario que hemos descripto se truncó por el acuerdo de Fidel Castro con la burocracia del PC de la Unión Soviética. Desde mediados de los ´60 Fidel aceptó la política estalinista de “coexistencia pacífica” con el imperialismo y de abandonar la política del Che, de extender la revolución socialista a América y al mundo. A partir de ahí, Fidel Castro pasó a jugar en contra del avance de toda revolución. Se consolidó un régimen burocrático de partido único que aún perdura.

Cuando el pueblo de Checoslovaquia en 1968 se levantó contra la dictadura del estalinismo, Fidel apoyó la invasión de los tanques rusos que ahogaron en sangre aquella revolución antiburocrática. En Nicaragua, cuando en 1979 se derrotó al dictador Somoza, Fidel apoyó que los sandinistas formaran gobierno con los burgueses anti somocistas y no avanzaran en medidas de expropiación, aconsejando “no hacer de Nicaragua otra Cuba”. Más recientemente, en Venezuela, Fidel apoyó el falso “socialismo del Siglo XXI” de Chávez y Maduro, haciendo creer que ese país estaba “construyendo el socialismo”, cuando se está haciendo lo opuesto. El chavismo mantuvo la estructura capitalista, creó las empresas mixtas en petróleo pactando con las multinacionales, como Chevron, Total o Repsol, fomentado una boliburguesía, criminalizando la protesta y hambreando al pueblo venezolano. También en estos años Fidel y la conducción cubana avalaron los falsos “gobiernos progresistas” de Lula y Dilma en Brasil, Evo Morales y los Kirchner que aplicaron ajustes contra sus pueblos. Y al interior de Cuba, se fueron liquidando con el paso de los años las conquistas de la revolución.

Desde fines del siglo pasado se fue impulsando la política de confiar en los capitales extranjeros, abriéndose la economía cubana a las multinacionales canadienses y europeas, restaurándose el capitalismo.

Acompañamos el dolor del pueblo cubano por estas horas. Y seguimos llamándolo a luchar por volver a retomar las banderas de la revolución del ´59 y el mensaje del Che, “revolución socialista o caricatura de revolución”. Apoyando su derecho a la organización independiente -sindical, estudiantil y política- contra el régimen de partido único.

Cuba necesita una nueva revolución socialista con democracia para el pueblo trabajador, que vuelva a ser el faro para los luchadores anticapitalistas y antiimperialistas de Latinoamérica y el mundo.

26 de noviembre de 2016

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* Juan Carlos Giordano es un dirigente de Izquierda Socialista y diputado nacional del Frente de Izquierda.
 

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US Elections: Two deceiving candidates serving the billionaires

By Emmanuel Santos (Socialist Core)

The elections scheduled for November 8th will be held in the midst of an economic crisis and the distrust of the people towards the candidates. Until two months ago, 57% of voters did not like any of the candidates. Some in this skeptical sector will vote for  Hillary Clinton to show their  rejection of Donald Trump and vice versa. But voters will continue to distrust both candidates.

Photo: Maring Photography/Getty/Contour

Under the Obama administration, the US has continued to suffer from a long economic crisis and the deteriorating living conditions of the popular sectors. The cases of police brutality and racist murders have increased. Industrial cities are now ghost towns as big companies took their factories to China or Southeast Asia.

At the same time, there  have also been a rise in social struggles, strikes by workers for a $15  minimum wage, mobilization of African-Americans  against racist killings by police, teachers’ strikes and so on. All of this precipitated a change in the popular consciousness. As foretold by the Occupy Wall Street protests, for the first time the majority of the population—including the vast majority of workers— is aware that the rich are getting richer and that large financial firms and banks have enriched themselves on the misery of the majority. There is an incipient class consciousness in some sectors though it is still confusing. To the extent that Trump is presented as an “independent” candidate of Wall Street, but he is a billionaire who is part of that corrupt ruling class.

All this was reflected in the Bernie Sanders phenomenon in the primaries where he introduced himself as a “socialist”; and although Bernie lost in the Democratic Party primaries against Hillary Clinton, he won 13 million votes and got millions in donation to his campaign. He got all of this support from younger workers. Sanders now supports Clinton and he refused to push for a third party of the left,  a mass party against the two big imperialist capitalist parties: Democratic and Republican parties alike. But this movement will hardly stop . There are other minor parties today, such as the Green Party (center-left) and the Libertarian (right wing), but the US electoral system prevents these parties from contesting the presidency.

All polls indicate that whether Trump or not Clinton win, a popular majority will reject both of them from the very beginning and it is very possible that this will translate into increasing workers’ and popular struggles.  The fact is that whoever wins, the ideas of socialism and the notion of class struggle are back in the Unites. This is important for workers around the world because American workers can be our main allies in stopping the murderous hand of imperialism.

The electoral show

The first presidential debate between Trump and Hillary was an entertainment TV show. In this election, independent and minor party candidates were excluded. The election was characterized by personal and petty attacks between two representatives of the ruling class. On one hand, a racist and ultra-conservative billionaire; and on the other, a corrupt millionaire who supported the invasion of Iraq and today is surrounded by the likes of Henry Kissinger.

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Originally published in Spanish in El Socialista

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Why did the No win in Colombia?

By Miguel Sorans

Español

The result of the plebiscite in Colombia has caused a global impact. The adjusted victory of the No to the peace agreement of the Santos government and the FARC [Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia] — endorsed by Cuba, Obama, the UN, the Pope, Maduro, and Macri, among others —, has surprised everyone.

The NO won with a difference of only 55,000 votes (6,432,000 to 6,377,000). Apparently, the only winner would be the rightist former President Alvaro Uribe, who promoted the No. This can lead to the conclusion that this result is a “new” expression of an alleged “right turn” that exists in Latin America. This is not the case. They are new distorted expressions of the anger of millions to the “covenants” of those above.

The other data of the plebiscite is that what actually triumphs is abstention that reached 63 percent. One could argue that in Colombia, where voting is not compulsory, this is a “normal” abstention. But given the exceptional event of an agreement that was endorsed by all powers and political figures of the world, from Obama to Raul Castro through the world reformist left and even the Pope, that an abstention rate of 63 percent is maintained shows that workers and Colombian peasants did not see that this agreement was going to change their life of exploitation and misery.

The workers and popular sectors of large cities did not see that the agreements would affect positively anything and therefore did not vote. The plebiscite did not motivate sectors of the population to vote.

The urban areas of majority middle-class composition (except Bogota, Cali and Barranquilla), minorities in the occupation of territory and less affected in terms of confrontation, imposed the majority. In places where the FARC presence was strong, the NO also won, such as in the provinces of Meta, Caqueta (where the FARC made their last conference), Tolima and Huila.

The background of this result is explained by several reasons. First, the political and military degeneration of the FARC in its later years took them to earn the growing rejection among the population, who daily saw the FARC acting counter to their interests. In addition, they were also identified as a decadent and corrupt guerrilla linked to drug trafficking. Therefore this agreement was frowned upon as it offered a number of perquisites for years to its members, while the agreement did not mean either land reform or large social gains for peasants and workers. Uribe took advantage of this for his vote for the No, which resulted in a punishment vote to the FARC.

Second, the result also reflected the disbelief of the masses in this pro-bosses and pro-US government of Santos, which has been implementing an economic plan against the people. The 63 percent abstention is also a rejection of the agreements of those above. It shows that the masses do not defer to the Pope and the heads of imperialism in whom they do not believe. With this, we do not aim to make the simplistic caricature that those millions are moving to the left. Of course, there are in Colombia sectors of middle and upper class which are the electoral base of Uribe. But it is categorical that an important part of the popular vote for NO and the abstention are not of the right but that they express, in a way, their hatred of the agreements of those above. Which are those who in Colombia for years endorsed the actions of violence by security forces and the military arguing the guerrillas always repressed the peasants and workers in their claims. The same reactionary governments who supported the Plan Colombia of the United States (Santos was defence minister in the government of Uribe) and who let run para-militarism and drug trafficking associated with the mafias of the US.

Our socialist current has always denounced that this agreement did not mean any solution to the underlying problems of the Colombian people. The result of the plebiscite opens a political crisis in Colombia. The government of Santos, imperialism, Cuba, the leadership of the Cuban CP and the FARC have been paralysed. Surely new negotiations will open in which representatives of the NO led by Alvaro Uribe will be present. It is not by chance this nefarious character of Colombia’s far-right has stated that the solution is a National Pact of all political actors of which he and his party had been excluded in the initial negotiations.

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This article originally appeared in International Correspondence N° 39, October 2016.

 

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