Davant la mort de Fidel Castro

Esquerra Socialista de Argentina va emetre el següent comunicat sobre la mort de Fidel Castro signada pel seu dirigent i diputat nacional Joan Carles Giordano.

Enllaç

L’anunci de la mort de Fidel Castro ha generat un gran impacte mundial. El poble cubà està de dol. Milions en el món ploren al líder que va conduir en forma directa, al costat del Che, la revolució cubana de 1959 que va ser un exemple per als revolucionaris i lluitadors del món. Acompanyem el tot i el poble cubà i dels lluitadors de l’esquerra mundial, encara que com a socialistes hem tingut serioses discrepàncies amb les postures de Fidel Castro i de la conducció del PC cubà.

Repudiem totes les expressions dels reaccionaris del món, especialment de la gusanería de Miami i de Donald Trump, que van sortir a celebrar la seva mort.

El Fidel amb el qual tots els lluitadors antiimperialistes i socialistes s’identifiquen és el que al costat del Che i Camilo Cienfuegos va encapçalar el triomf del poble que va aixafar a la dictadura de Batista al gener de 1959. A l’Fidel de la reforma agrària, que va trencar amb l’imperialisme ianqui i va expropiar a les multinacionals del sucre i el petroli ia la burgesia i als terratinents cubans. Mesures que van possibilitar que el poble cubà passés a gaudir d’àmplies conquestes en salut i educació. A l’Fidel combatent la invasió ianqui a Platja Girón i al que en la segona declaració de l’Havana de febrer de 1962, va declarar el socialisme a Cuba i va dir que “el deure de tot revolucionari és fer v la revolució”.

Però lamentablement va existir una altra faceta de Fidel Castro que no podem deixar d’assenyalar al moment de la seva mort. Sabem que això pot incomodar milers de lluitadors que encara segueixen creient en ell.

El curs revolucionari que hem descrit es va truncar per l’acord de Fidel Castro amb la burocràcia del PC de la Unió Soviètica. Des de mitjans dels ’60 Fidel va acceptar la política estalinista de “coexistència pacífica” amb l’imperialisme i d’abandonar la política del Che, d’estendre la revolució socialista a Amèrica i al món. A partir d’aquí, Fidel Castro va passar a jugar en contra de l’avanç de tota revolució. Es va consolidar un règim burocràtic de partit únic que encara perdura.

Quan el poble de Txecoslovàquia en 1968 es va aixecar contra la dictadura de l’estalinisme, Fidel va recolzar la invasió dels tancs russos que van ofegar en sang aquella revolució antiburocràtica. A Nicaragua, quan el 1979 es va derrotar al dictador Somoza, Fidel va recolzar que els sandinistes formaran govern amb els burgesos anti somocistas i no avancessin en mesures d’expropiació, aconsellant “no fer de Nicaragua una altra Cuba”. Més recentment, a Veneçuela, Fidel va donar suport el fals “socialisme del Segle XXI” de Chávez i Maduro, fent creure que aquest país estava “construint el socialisme”, quan s’està fent el contrari. El chavisme va mantenir l’estructura capitalista, va crear les empreses mixtes en petroli pactant amb les multinacionals, com Chevron, Total o Repsol, fomentat una boliburguesía, criminalitzant la protesta i hambreando al poble veneçolà. També en aquests anys Fidel i la conducció cubana van avalar els falsos “governs progressistes” de Lula i Dilma a Brasil, Evo Morales i els Kirchner que van aplicar ajustos contra els seus pobles. I a l’interior de Cuba, es van anar liquidant amb el pas dels anys les conquestes de la revolució.

Des de fins del segle passat es va anar impulsant la política de confiar en els capitals estrangers, obrint-se l’economia cubana a les multinacionals canadenques i europees, restaurant-se el capitalisme.

Acompanyem el dolor del poble cubà per aquestes hores. I seguim cridant a lluitar per tornar a reprendre les banderes de la revolució del ’59 i el missatge del Che, “revolució socialista o caricatura de revolució”. Donant suport el seu dret a l’organització independent -sindical, estudiantil i política- contra el règim de partit únic.

Cuba necessita una nova revolució socialista amb democràcia per al poble treballador, que torni a ser el far per als lluitadors anticapitalistes i antiimperialistes d’Amèrica Llatina i el món.

26 novembre 2016

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Joan Carles Giordano Dirigent d’Esquerra Socialista i diputat nacional del Front d’Esquerra.

 

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Devant la mort de Fidel Castro

Gauche Socialiste a publié le communiqué suivant sur la mort de Fidel Castro signée par son dirigeant et député national Juan Carlos Giordano.

Lien

L’annonce de la mort de Fidel Castro a généré un énorme impact mondial. Le peuple cubain est en deuil. Des millions de personnes dans le monde pleurent le leader qui a conduit directement, en collaboration avec Che Guevara, la révolution cubaine de 1959 qui a été un exemple pour les révolutionnaires et les lutteurs du monde entier. Nous accompagnons le chagrin du peuple cubain et des lutteurs de la gauche mondiale, bien que comme socialistes nous ayons eu des divergences sérieuses avec les postures de Fidel Castro et de la direction du PC cubain.

Nous répudions toutes les expressions des réactionnaires du monde, spécialement de la « gusanería » de Miami et de Donald Trump qui ont fêté sa mort.

Tous les lutteurs anti-impérialistes et socialistes s’identifient avec le Fidel Castro qui, avec le Che et Camilo Cienfuegos, a dirigé le triomphe du peuple cubain qui a renversé la dictature de Batista en janvier 1959, avec le Fidel de la réforme agraire qui a rompu avec l’impérialisme yankee et qui a exproprié les multinationales du sucre, du pétrole et la bourgeoisie et les propriétaires fonciers cubains (ces mesures ont permis que le peuple cubain ait gagné les droits à la santé et à l’éducation), avec le Fidel qui a combattu l’invasion yankee à la Plage Girón et avec celui qui, dans la deuxième déclaration de La Habana de février 1962, a déclaré le socialisme à Cuba et a dit que “le devoir de tout un révolutionnaire est de faire la révolution”.

Mais malheureusement il y a une autre facette de Fidel Castro que nous ne pouvons manqué de noter au moment de sa mort. Nous savons que cela peut incommoder les milliers de lutteurs qui continuent à croire encore en lui.

Le cours révolutionnaire qui nous avons décrit a été brisé par l’accord de Fidel Castro avec la bureaucratie du PC de l’Union soviétique. Depuis le milieu des années 60, Fidel a accepté la politique stalinienne de “coexistence pacifique” avec l’impérialisme et il a abandonné la politique du Che d’étendre la révolution socialiste en Amérique et au monde entier. À partir de là, Fidel Castro s’est mis à jouer contre la progression de toute révolution et i a consolidé un régime bureaucratique de Parti unique qui dure encore.

En 1968, quand le peuple de la Tchécoslovaquie s’est levé contre la dictature stalinienne, Fidel a soutenu l’invasion des chars russes qui ont étouffé dans un bain de sang cette révolution antibureaucratique. En 1979, au Nicaragua, quand le dictateur Somoza a été renversé, Fidel a appuyé que les sandinistes formaient un gouvernement avec les bourgeois anti-somocistes et n’avançaient pas dans des mesures d’expropriation, en conseillant “ne pas faire du Nicaragua une autre Cuba”. Plus récemment, au Venezuela, Fidel a appuyé le faux “socialisme du XXIe siècle” de Chávez et à Maduro, en faisant croire que ce pays était “en construisant le socialisme”, quand on fait le contraire. Le chavisme a maintenu la structure capitaliste, a créé les entreprises mixtes dans le pétrole en faisant un pacte avec les multinationales, comme Chevron, Total ou Repsol, en favorisant une bolibourgeoisie, en criminalisant la protestation et en affamant le peuple vénézuélien. Aussi dans ces années Fidel, et la direction politique cubaine ont avalisé les faux “gouvernements progressistes” de Lula et de Dilma au Brésil, Evo Morales et les Kirchner qui ont appliqué des ajustements contre ses peuples. Et à l’intérieur de la Cuba, les conquêtes de la révolution ont été liquidées au fil des ans et à la fin du siècle dernier, on a encouragé la politique de confier aux capitaux étrangers l’économie cubaine aux multinationales canadiennes et européennes, en restaurant le capitalisme.

Nous partageons la douleur du peuple cubain en ce moment et nous appelons à lutter pour reprendre les drapeaux de la révolution de 1959 et le message du Che, “révolution socialiste ou une caricature de révolution” et pour son droit à l’organisation indépendante – syndicale, estudiantine et politique – contre le régime de Parti unique.

Cuba a besoin d’une nouvelle révolution socialiste avec démocratie pour le peuple travailleur, qui soit à nouveau le phare pour les lutteurs anticapitalistes et anti-impérialistes de l’Amérique latine et le monde entier.

Le 26 novembre 2016

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Juan Carlos Giordano Dirigeant de Gauche Socialiste d’Argentine et député national du Front de Gauche et des Travailleurs.

 

 

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Ante la muerte de Fidel Castro

Izquierda Socialista de Argentina emitió el siguiente comunicado sobre la muerte de Fidel Castro firmada por su dirigente y diputado nacional Juan Carlos Giordano*

El anuncio de la muerte de Fidel Castro ha generado un gran impacto mundial. El pueblo cubano está de luto. Millones en el mundo lloran al líder que condujo en forma directa, junto al Che, la revolución cubana de 1959 que fue un ejemplo para los revolucionarios y luchadores del mundo. Acompañamos el pesar del pueblo cubano y de los luchadores de la izquierda mundial, aunque como socialistas hemos tenido serias discrepancias con las posturas de Fidel Castro y de la conducción del PC cubano.

Repudiamos todas las expresiones de los reaccionarios del mundo, en especial de la gusanería de Miami y de Donal Trump, que salieron a festejar su muerte.

El Fidel con el cual todos los luchadores antiimperialistas y socialistas se identifican es el que junto al Che y Camilo Cienfuegos encabezó el triunfo del pueblo que aplastó a la dictadura de Batista en enero de 1959. Al Fidel de la reforma agraria, al que rompió con el imperialismo yanqui y expropió a las multinacionales del azúcar y el petróleo y a la burguesía y a los terratenientes cubanos. Medidas que posibilitaron que el pueblo cubano pasara a gozar de amplias conquistas en salud y educación. Al Fidel combatiendo la invasión yanqui en Playa Girón y al que en la segunda declaración de la Habana de febrero de 1962, declaró el socialismo en Cuba y dijo que “el deber de todo revolucionario es hacer v la revolución”.

Pero lamentablemente existió otra faceta de Fidel Castro que no podemos dejar de señalar al momento de su muerte. Sabemos que esto puede incomodar a miles de luchadores que aún siguen creyendo en él. El curso revolucionario que hemos descripto se truncó por el acuerdo de Fidel Castro con la burocracia del PC de la Unión Soviética. Desde mediados de los ´60 Fidel aceptó la política estalinista de “coexistencia pacífica” con el imperialismo y de abandonar la política del Che, de extender la revolución socialista a América y al mundo. A partir de ahí, Fidel Castro pasó a jugar en contra del avance de toda revolución. Se consolidó un régimen burocrático de partido único que aún perdura.

Cuando el pueblo de Checoslovaquia en 1968 se levantó contra la dictadura del estalinismo, Fidel apoyó la invasión de los tanques rusos que ahogaron en sangre aquella revolución antiburocrática. En Nicaragua, cuando en 1979 se derrotó al dictador Somoza, Fidel apoyó que los sandinistas formaran gobierno con los burgueses anti somocistas y no avanzaran en medidas de expropiación, aconsejando “no hacer de Nicaragua otra Cuba”. Más recientemente, en Venezuela, Fidel apoyó el falso “socialismo del Siglo XXI” de Chávez y Maduro, haciendo creer que ese país estaba “construyendo el socialismo”, cuando se está haciendo lo opuesto. El chavismo mantuvo la estructura capitalista, creó las empresas mixtas en petróleo pactando con las multinacionales, como Chevron, Total o Repsol, fomentado una boliburguesía, criminalizando la protesta y hambreando al pueblo venezolano. También en estos años Fidel y la conducción cubana avalaron los falsos “gobiernos progresistas” de Lula y Dilma en Brasil, Evo Morales y los Kirchner que aplicaron ajustes contra sus pueblos. Y al interior de Cuba, se fueron liquidando con el paso de los años las conquistas de la revolución.

Desde fines del siglo pasado se fue impulsando la política de confiar en los capitales extranjeros, abriéndose la economía cubana a las multinacionales canadienses y europeas, restaurándose el capitalismo.

Acompañamos el dolor del pueblo cubano por estas horas. Y seguimos llamándolo a luchar por volver a retomar las banderas de la revolución del ´59 y el mensaje del Che, “revolución socialista o caricatura de revolución”. Apoyando su derecho a la organización independiente -sindical, estudiantil y política- contra el régimen de partido único.

Cuba necesita una nueva revolución socialista con democracia para el pueblo trabajador, que vuelva a ser el faro para los luchadores anticapitalistas y antiimperialistas de Latinoamérica y el mundo.

26 de noviembre de 2016

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* Juan Carlos Giordano es un dirigente de Izquierda Socialista y diputado nacional del Frente de Izquierda.
 

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US Elections: Two deceiving candidates serving the billionaires

By Emmanuel Santos (Socialist Core)

The elections scheduled for November 8th will be held in the midst of an economic crisis and the distrust of the people towards the candidates. Until two months ago, 57% of voters did not like any of the candidates. Some in this skeptical sector will vote for  Hillary Clinton to show their  rejection of Donald Trump and vice versa. But voters will continue to distrust both candidates.

Photo: Maring Photography/Getty/Contour

Under the Obama administration, the US has continued to suffer from a long economic crisis and the deteriorating living conditions of the popular sectors. The cases of police brutality and racist murders have increased. Industrial cities are now ghost towns as big companies took their factories to China or Southeast Asia.

At the same time, there  have also been a rise in social struggles, strikes by workers for a $15  minimum wage, mobilization of African-Americans  against racist killings by police, teachers’ strikes and so on. All of this precipitated a change in the popular consciousness. As foretold by the Occupy Wall Street protests, for the first time the majority of the population—including the vast majority of workers— is aware that the rich are getting richer and that large financial firms and banks have enriched themselves on the misery of the majority. There is an incipient class consciousness in some sectors though it is still confusing. To the extent that Trump is presented as an “independent” candidate of Wall Street, but he is a billionaire who is part of that corrupt ruling class.

All this was reflected in the Bernie Sanders phenomenon in the primaries where he introduced himself as a “socialist”; and although Bernie lost in the Democratic Party primaries against Hillary Clinton, he won 13 million votes and got millions in donation to his campaign. He got all of this support from younger workers. Sanders now supports Clinton and he refused to push for a third party of the left,  a mass party against the two big imperialist capitalist parties: Democratic and Republican parties alike. But this movement will hardly stop . There are other minor parties today, such as the Green Party (center-left) and the Libertarian (right wing), but the US electoral system prevents these parties from contesting the presidency.

All polls indicate that whether Trump or not Clinton win, a popular majority will reject both of them from the very beginning and it is very possible that this will translate into increasing workers’ and popular struggles.  The fact is that whoever wins, the ideas of socialism and the notion of class struggle are back in the Unites. This is important for workers around the world because American workers can be our main allies in stopping the murderous hand of imperialism.

The electoral show

The first presidential debate between Trump and Hillary was an entertainment TV show. In this election, independent and minor party candidates were excluded. The election was characterized by personal and petty attacks between two representatives of the ruling class. On one hand, a racist and ultra-conservative billionaire; and on the other, a corrupt millionaire who supported the invasion of Iraq and today is surrounded by the likes of Henry Kissinger.

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Originally published in Spanish in El Socialista

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Why did the No win in Colombia?

By Miguel Sorans

Español

The result of the plebiscite in Colombia has caused a global impact. The adjusted victory of the No to the peace agreement of the Santos government and the FARC [Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia] — endorsed by Cuba, Obama, the UN, the Pope, Maduro, and Macri, among others —, has surprised everyone.

The NO won with a difference of only 55,000 votes (6,432,000 to 6,377,000). Apparently, the only winner would be the rightist former President Alvaro Uribe, who promoted the No. This can lead to the conclusion that this result is a “new” expression of an alleged “right turn” that exists in Latin America. This is not the case. They are new distorted expressions of the anger of millions to the “covenants” of those above.

The other data of the plebiscite is that what actually triumphs is abstention that reached 63 percent. One could argue that in Colombia, where voting is not compulsory, this is a “normal” abstention. But given the exceptional event of an agreement that was endorsed by all powers and political figures of the world, from Obama to Raul Castro through the world reformist left and even the Pope, that an abstention rate of 63 percent is maintained shows that workers and Colombian peasants did not see that this agreement was going to change their life of exploitation and misery.

The workers and popular sectors of large cities did not see that the agreements would affect positively anything and therefore did not vote. The plebiscite did not motivate sectors of the population to vote.

The urban areas of majority middle-class composition (except Bogota, Cali and Barranquilla), minorities in the occupation of territory and less affected in terms of confrontation, imposed the majority. In places where the FARC presence was strong, the NO also won, such as in the provinces of Meta, Caqueta (where the FARC made their last conference), Tolima and Huila.

The background of this result is explained by several reasons. First, the political and military degeneration of the FARC in its later years took them to earn the growing rejection among the population, who daily saw the FARC acting counter to their interests. In addition, they were also identified as a decadent and corrupt guerrilla linked to drug trafficking. Therefore this agreement was frowned upon as it offered a number of perquisites for years to its members, while the agreement did not mean either land reform or large social gains for peasants and workers. Uribe took advantage of this for his vote for the No, which resulted in a punishment vote to the FARC.

Second, the result also reflected the disbelief of the masses in this pro-bosses and pro-US government of Santos, which has been implementing an economic plan against the people. The 63 percent abstention is also a rejection of the agreements of those above. It shows that the masses do not defer to the Pope and the heads of imperialism in whom they do not believe. With this, we do not aim to make the simplistic caricature that those millions are moving to the left. Of course, there are in Colombia sectors of middle and upper class which are the electoral base of Uribe. But it is categorical that an important part of the popular vote for NO and the abstention are not of the right but that they express, in a way, their hatred of the agreements of those above. Which are those who in Colombia for years endorsed the actions of violence by security forces and the military arguing the guerrillas always repressed the peasants and workers in their claims. The same reactionary governments who supported the Plan Colombia of the United States (Santos was defence minister in the government of Uribe) and who let run para-militarism and drug trafficking associated with the mafias of the US.

Our socialist current has always denounced that this agreement did not mean any solution to the underlying problems of the Colombian people. The result of the plebiscite opens a political crisis in Colombia. The government of Santos, imperialism, Cuba, the leadership of the Cuban CP and the FARC have been paralysed. Surely new negotiations will open in which representatives of the NO led by Alvaro Uribe will be present. It is not by chance this nefarious character of Colombia’s far-right has stated that the solution is a National Pact of all political actors of which he and his party had been excluded in the initial negotiations.

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This article originally appeared in International Correspondence N° 39, October 2016.

 

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Saturday October 1st worldwide Day of Fury in Aleppo

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The people of Aleppo, which resists the genocide Al Assad, is systematically bombed by Syrian and Russian planes, with the passive complicity of the US.  Aleppo is the Guernica of the 21st century. About 300 thousand people resist this criminal onslaught. They are under siege and heroically still resisting.

Organizations and personalities from around the world have called for a global day of solidarity with the people of Aleppo and demanding an end to these bombings and the site to Aleppo.

The Revolutionary Socialists of the IWU-CI join in this call and call political, social and student organizations that they call themselves democratic, as well as the left, to unite in solidarity with the Syrian people who are resisting heroically in Aleppo and in dozens of cities. In the battle for Aleppo the fate of the Syrian people is being played.

Stop bombing Aleppo!!We demand the end of siege to Aleppo!  Russians and America out of Syria!No to ISIS! Turkey and Iran out of Syria!Down with Al Assad!Governments must break diplomatic relations with the butcher Al Assad!Unconditional solidarity with the Syrian people!

International Workers Unity-Fourth International (IWU-FI)

September 26, 2016.

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The Siege of Aleppo and Syria: Al Assad and Putin, stop the bombing!

The photograph of the boy named Omran, with his face covered in blood and dust after being injured in a bombing in the city of Aleppo, traveled around the world. It became a new image of the horror of war and the criminal bombing by Al Assad and the Russian regimes aircraft . The siege of Aleppo and its systematic bombing seeks to liquidate the heroic resistance of a people who are still fighting in spite of being attacked by a ferocious dictatorship and the great military powers that support it.

By Miguel Lamas

Español

In the first week of August rebel militias broke the siege of Aleppo imposed by Bashar al Assad’s army. The devastating response by the dictatorship was a counteroffensive comprised of massive bombing from Putin’s aircraft on rebel-held areas of Aleppo. The new development is that Russia made a military pact with Iran to use its military airports for their giant aircraft (which cannot use the smaller airport that Russia has in its military base in Latakia, Syria). In this way, tons of bombs are being dropped on rebel Aleppo on a daily basis. About 300,000 people are under siege; many children have died and thousands are directly affected by the collapse of their homes.

Now these Russian aircrafts are bombarding the Kurds.

For the first time since the beginning of the war, Al Assad’s army bombed Kurdish military bases in Syria with the help of the huge Russian ‘super’ aircraft  launched from Iran even though these Kurdish and rebel militias are fighting ISIS there.

Neither the Syrian army—which is too busy trying to contain the popular rebellion in Damascus and Aleppo— nor their Russian allies had attacked the Kurds until now. This attack has to do with a new ally who has made a pact with Putin: Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan. Turkey is a NATO member, thus, it is a US ally; but now it also made a pact with Putin to fight “terrorists” who, from Erdogan’s view point, are mainly the Kurds.

And what is the role of the United States?

Theoretically it is against the bombing of Aleppo, which it “regrets”. Obama even tells a joke at the expense of the conflict, saying that his hair went gray from having so many meetings on Syria. But he lets the Russians act. The major US daily The Washington Post criticizes: “While Aleppo is destroyed, Mr. Obama is taking a break”. On the same note, the US newspaper quoted a recent statement by doctors in Aleppo: “The burden of responsibility for the crimes of the Syrian government and its Russian ally must be shared by all those, including the United States, which allows the crimes to go on”.

It is clear that Putin is doing the dirty work for the imperialist powers. While Obama talks about “fighting terrorism” (which excludes Assad and Russia) there is a tacit approval of the Al Assad dictatorship. The US sends some weapons (it never sends heavy weapons and anti-aircraft weapons that allow the syrian rebels to defend themselves), and advisers to Kurdish rebels; but only to control them so they do not fight the dictatorship but only ISIS. It should be recalled that ISIS was originally armed by Saudi Arabia, a US ally, though now it is out of control and everyone considers it an enemy.

It is necessary that the left, the international labor movement and all democratic and anti-imperialist sectors unite in solidarity with the Syrian people who are resisting heroically in Aleppo and dozens other cities. In the battle for Aleppo, the fate of the Syrian people is at stake and the outcome will have global consequences. We call on the people of the world to show solidarity with the rebellious people of Aleppo and everywhere else in Syria. As the International Workers Unity-Fourth International (IWI-FI), we support the fighters and rebel militias without lending our support to their political leaderships. Down with Assad! Stop the bombing by Russia and the imperialists! No to ISIS! Turkey and Iran, get out of Syria! For the unity of Syrian rebels and Kurds! We call on governments to break diplomatic relations with Bashar Al Assad! No to European fortresses! Freedom of movement for refugees!

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Originally published in Izquierda Socialista newspaper.

 

 

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Turkey: No to Military Coup! Time to protect our freedom. No to the coup and the repressive Erdogan regime!

We publish here a statement by the Workers’ Democracy Party,  section of the International Workers’ Unity-Fourth International in Turkey.

Español|Türk

We have witnessed a military coup attempt that had started gaining visibility late last night. Following the military junta’s seize of certain critical locations such as the Office of the Chief of the Army and that of the General Command of the Gendarmerie, a failed coup attempt took place before the eyes of Turkey. While more than 60 people died during the conflicts that followed, about 1400 members of the Turkish Armed Forces got detained. The Turkish National Assembly was bombed for the first time in Turkish history. While the conflicts still continue in certain locations, the failure of the attempt has already been practically proven.

As Workers’ Democracy party, we are in strict opposition to a military coup. If the coup that was supposedly initiated in name of “reinstituting democracy, human rights and the supremacy of the law” were to succeed, that would have meant the complete erasure of all democratic rights and freedoms that have already been largely cut short by the palace regime. It should never be forgotten that the military is a fundamental leg of the ongoing repressive regime.

At the same time, this attempted military coup signals a new culmination for the deepening crisis of the regime in Turkey. The tangible ground of this coup attempt has been built on top the repressive policies carried out by the palace regime. The fact that Erdogan was the target of this coup cannot conceal his responsibility in bringing the country to the brink of a collapse. Being against military coup under no circumstance means to support Erdogan’s repressive regime.

In the aftermath of this failed military coup attempt, there is a widespread concern among large sectors of the society that this unsuccessful attempt will be used as means to justify increased repression of the palace regime. The only real solution against the military juntas as well as against the repression of the palace regime is the mobilization of the masses of workers, youth, women, Kurds and all other repressed and exploited sectors against repressive and looter policies as well as these masses’ persistent efforts to claim democratic rights and freedoms.

Workers Democracy Party of Turkey | International Workers Unity–Fourth International (IWU–FI) | July 16, 2016

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Askeri darbeye hayır! Özgürlüklerimizi hem darbeye hem de Saray rejiminin baskılarına karşı savunalım!

Dün akşam saatlerinden itibaren görünürlük kazanmaya başlayan bir askeri darbe girişimine tanıklık etmekteyiz. Askeri cuntanın Genel Kurmay Karargahı, Jandarma Genel Komutanlığı gibi bazı stratejik yerleri ele geçirmesinin ardından, tüm Türkiye’nin canlı yayında gözleri önünde gerçekleşen başarısız bir darbe girişimi yaşandı. Çıkan çatışmalarda 60’tan fazla kişi hayatını kaybederken, 1400’e yakın TSK mensubu gözaltına alındı. Türkiye tarihinde ilk kez TBMM bombalandı. Çatışmalar bazı yerlerde halen devam etmekle birlikte, girişimin başarısızlığa artık neredeyse kesinlik kazanmış durumda.

İşçi Demokrasisi Partisi olarak askeri darbenin kesin olarak karşısındayız. “Demokrasi, insan hakları ve hukukun üstünlüğünün yeniden tesisi” gibi amaçlarla yapıldığı açıklanan askeri darbenin başarıya ulaşması, Saray rejimi tarafından iyice budanmış demokratik hak ve özgürlüklerin tamamen ortadan kaldırılması anlamına gelecekti. Ordunun, Türkiye’de süregelen baskı rejiminin daima temel dayanaklarından birisi olduğu asla unutulmaması gerekir.

Öte yandan, gerçekleşen bu askeri darbe girişimi, Türkiye’de derinleşmekte olan rejim krizinin yeni bir zirvesi anlamına gelmektedir. Bu darbe girişiminin nesnel zemini Saray rejiminin uyguladığı baskı politikalarıyla örülmüştür. Erdoğan’ın bu darbenin hedefi olması, ülkeyi felaketin eşiğine sürüklediği yıkım tablosundaki sorumluluğunu bir an bile olsun unutturamaz. Askeri darbeye karşı olmak Erdoğan’ın baskı rejimini desteklemek anlamına kesinlikle gelmemektedir.

Başarısız darbe girişiminin ardından, bu girişimin Saray rejiminin baskıyı ve kontrolü artırmasında bir araç olarak kullanılacağına ilişkin toplumun geniş kesimlerinde haklı bir endişe bulunmaktadır. Hem askeri cuntalara hem de Saray rejiminin baskılarına karşı tek çözüm, emekçi yığınların, gençlerin, kadınların, Kürtlerin, ezilen ve sömürülen tüm kesimlerin demokratik hak ve özgürlüklerine sahip çıkması, çürüyen rejimin baskı ve yağma politikalarına karşı seferber olmasıdır.

 İşçi Demokrasisi Partisi | 16 Temmuz 2016

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Turquía: ¡Es momento de defender nuestra libertad del golpismo y del régimen represivo de Erdogan!

Declaración del Partido de la Democracia Obrera (IDP) de Turquía, sección de la UIT-CI, de repudio al golpe militar!

Hemos sido testigos de un intento de golpe militar que ha cobrado visibilidad en la noche de ayer. El levantamiento militar tomó el control de lugares importantes como la jefatura del ejército y el Comando de la Gendarmería. Un golpe fallido delante de los ojos de Turquía. Mientras centenares de personas murieron durante el conflicto, alrededor de 1400 miembros de las fuerzas armadas quedaron detenidos. La Asamblea Nacional fue bombardeada por primera vez en la historia de Turquía. Mientras el conflicto continúa en algunos puntos, el intento de golpe ya fue prácticamente derrotado.

Como Partido de la Democracia Obrera, estamos férreamente en contra del golpe militar. Si el golpe como supuesta iniciativa para lograr “restaurar la democracia, los derechos humanos y la supremacía de las leyes” triunfaba hubiera significado la eliminación de todos los derechos y libertades democráticas que ya han estado siendo atacadas por el régimen “del palacio” de Erdogan. No debemos nunca olvidar que los militares son una pata fundamental del actual régimen represivo.

Al mismo tiempo, este intento de golpe militar marca el final de una profunda crisis del régimen en Turquía. La base tangible de este intento de golpe se construyó sobre las políticas represivas llevadas adelante por el régimen. El hecho de que Erdogan sea el objetivo de este golpe no debe borrar su responsabilidad de haber llevado el país al borde del colapso. Estar en contra del golpe bajo ninguna circunstancia significa apoyar el régimen represivo de Erdogan.

Con las repercusiones de este intento de golpe existe una preocupación reinante entre importantes sectores de la sociedad de que este intento frustrado de golpe sea usado para aumentar la represión por parte del régimen. La única solución real, tanto contra las dictaduras y la represión del régimen, es la movilización de las masas trabajadoras, de la juventud y las mujeres, los kurdos y todos los sectores reprimidos y explotados contra la represión y las políticas de saqueo junto a los esfuerzos del pueblo en la exigencia de derechos y libertades democráticas.

Partido de la Democracia Obrera (IDP), sección de la UIT-CI (Unidad Internacional de los Trabajadores-Cuarta Internacional) en Turquía.

16 de Julio de 2016

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